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The american civil war essay | Dagsljus

With American military backing, Rhee launched repressive counter-insurgency campaigns in the 1940s that led South Korea into a state of virtual civil war prior to the official outbreak of war between the North and the South.

The american civil war essay ..

In his talk Bongartz will examine five key decisions made by the president during his tenure, proposing how those decisions provide insight into why Lincoln was such a remarkable leader. The presenter has been honing his own leadership skills lifelong along with a growing respect for the role the Great Emancipator played in American history. Bongartz earned his Bachelor of Arts degree from Skidmore College and his J. D. from Case Western Reserve School of Law in 1987. Prior to taking the helm at Hildene in 2002, he served in the House and Senate of the Vermont State Legislature between 1981 and 1985 and practiced law for more than a decade in Manchester. Admittedly passionate about history, preservation and education and in particular Lincoln’s legacy and the Civil War, when his schedule permits, Bongartz lectures on the topic he will address on the 22nd.

The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil ..

Shattuck, A Shield and Hiding Place: Religious Life of the Civil War Armies (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), 63-64.

For his part, Rowell was of the opinion that Blamey's debauched lifestyle was not befitting a commander of his position. Many historians have apportioned blame to either of these men for the situation. Blamey has been accused of eliminating a potentially rebellious subordinate while he had the opportunity. Others have castigated Rowell for being unaware of how political considerations can affect a military commander's standing, some even going so far to propose that Rowell indirectly sacked himself. Historian Peter Brune has suggested the problems arose from the "total surrender [by the Australian government] of military power to General MacArthur". Coincidentally, at the time of Rowell's dismissal, the Australians took the initiative on the Kokoda Trail. With elements of the 7th Division, the Australians launched an offensive, retrieving the ground that had been lost, discovering the debris of the former skirmishes on that ground. US bombing had interrupted Japanese lines of supply and communication. However, the failure of the landing at Milne Bay and the savage fighting with American marines on Guadalcanal had prompted the command in Gona and Buna to reconsider, prompted by the High Command in Rabaul, in mid-September the campaign in Papua, ordering their forces to withdraw to the beachheads on the north coast of New Guinea. The Australians reached Kokoda on 2 November. This advance was not rapid enough for MacArthur, who wanted publicity showered upon him. Again, he pressured Blamey, who removed Arthur "Tubby" Allen from command of the 7th Division, replacing him with Major-General George Vasey. The campaign in Papua not only revealed tensions between the AIF and militia on the ground: the former saw themselves as the elite Australian troops, and disparaged the militia soldiers, which due to conscription could not be employed overseas, so the AIF troops disparaged the militia conscripts, calling them koalas, an animal that cannot be exported or shot at, or chocolate soldiers, implying they will melt as soon as they see action. The militia soldiers berated the AIF because they were perceived to be signing up for steady wages after a time of severe economic hardship, calling them "five bob a day tourists" or "five bob a day murderers". In Canberra, the Opposition raised issues in parliament of the disparities between the two elements of the Australian army: the militia and the AIF. The former amounted to 262,333 men in October, and could not be employed outside Australia or its mandated territories. The latter amounted to 171, 246 men in October, and could be employed anywhere in the world. The members of the federal Opposition argued that these distinctions were illogical, and unfair to Australia's allies to expect them to send conscripts overseas when Australia would not. Frank Forde rejected the argument, saying it was "the foolish clamour of political opportunists". In November Curtin emerged as an advocate of the reform. In a Special Federal Conference of the ALP he proposed that the geographical restrictions on the use of the militia include "such other territories in the South-West Pacific Area as the Governor-General proclaims as being territories associated with the defence of Australia". These words provoked passionate denunciation, both from idealists who fought conscription during the First World War, and realists who remembered the schism in the ALP that the conscription debates caused in 1916-17. Curtin shepherded the limited conscription proposal through the cabinet, the machinery of the ALP, and the trade union movement. With parliamentary approval of the policy, on 4 January 1943 another Special Federal Conference of the ALP endorsed the legislation. Reasons for Curtin's support of this move, even though he had been incarcerated for protesting conscription during the First World War, proposed by historians are both internal and external. Paul Hasluck suggested it was domestic political factors, that it was a response to pressure from the federal Opposition, in an attempt to maximize the ALP's chances in the 1943 general election. Curtin's own professed motives were strategic necessity and opinion in Allied nations. In October-November 1942 there had been articles in US and British newspapers criticizing Australia's war effort. Recent research indicates that MacArthur, fearing that American criticism of the Australian war effort would hinder US resources from being allocated to the SWPA. It is doubtful whether this policy had significant military benefit, MacArthur stated that he would only need existing AIF divisions and US troops. Although Kokoda retains the dominant location of the epitome of the display of attributes of the ANZAC legend during the Second World War in the public mind, the beachhead battles at Gona, Buna and Sanananda were fought against a fanatical enemy, who would rather die fighting than surrender, entrenched in easily defended positions. It took the 7th Division a month of heavy fighting to capture Gona, which fell on 9 December 1942. Buna, however, was more intractable, elements of the American 32nd Division made attack after attack to no avail. Blamey took this opportunity to repay MacArthur for his disparaging comments about the Australians during the see-sawing Kokoda Trail campaign. With reinforcements and an overhaul of US command Buna fell on 2 January 1943. The Japanese defence at Sanananda, which was blockaded, resisted the Allied offensive until it was eliminated on 22 January 1943. Sixty-two percent of Australian losses in Papua were sustained in the course of eliminating these beachheads. By the time Japanese forces were evacuated from New Guinea, fourteen thousand casualties of the sixteen to seventeen thousand troops committed there had been suffered, mostly due to disease and starvation. For the Allies, the losses were significantly smaller, although they encountered similar difficulties as the Japanese. Australian casualties in New Guinea amounted to 2,065, and the US, despite making significant contributions to aspects of the campaign, suffered 930 casualties. Despite Australia's relatively tiny amount of influence in Allied strategy in comparison to its powerful allies, it contributed to the fighting in the New Guinea campaign significantly. The campaign in New Guinea, along with the US victory in Guadalcanal, took the initiative in the Pacific and put Japan on the defensive. The time around 1942-43 was a worldwide shift of the initiative from the Axis powers to the Allied nations. In the Middle East and Europe the battles of 2nd El Alamein and Stalingrad respectively turned the tide against Nazi Germany. The 9th Division, well known from Tobruk, had remained in the Middle East to participate in the Battle of El Alamein as part of the Eighth Army. Brisbane, the capital of Queensland, where SWPA headquarters were located, was, in reality, only a tiny provincial town, as far as capitals go. Its population of 325,890 in 1938 had to accommodate almost ninety thousand US personnel. The glut of mouths to feed, people to house, and services to provide for, placed a strain on the city's infrastructure. The general population of the city complained of lack of accommodation, entertainment, and food. Australians were not familiar with seeing public displays of affection, and Australian troops performed the function of moral police, separating embracing couples, and showing Yanks how that sort of behaviour was not welcome in Australia. In the hands of US provosts was the unenviable task of separating these opposing groups, allegedly in alliance, apart. A hundred Australian citizens, consisting of military personnel and civilians, rioted outside a US Post Exchange (PX), on 27 November, breaking windows and looting. The situation quickly degenerated into an outbreak of violence known as the Battle of Brisbane. To retain control, US provosts fired wildly at the main instigators in the crowd with pump action shotguns. The crowd displayed outrage at this use of force, and attempted to relieve Private Norbert Grant of the 738th MP Battalion of his weapon. Grant, understandably terrified at the size of the Australian mob, fired his weapon into the crowd. Not a positive step to resolve the conflict. As the crowd cleared, the corpse of Private Edward Webster of the Australian 2/2 Anti-Tank Regiment was left in the dust, a gaping wound in his chest. For all the concern in 1942, a Japanese invasion of Australia never took place. Australia was certainly battered and bruised by the events in 1942, fearful, but not in submission. There certainly particular Japanese senior officers from both the army and navy, such as Yamashita and Yamamoto respectively, that entertained thoughts and plans for an invasion of Australia, but the Japanese High Command was against such a course of action, through interception of Japanese diplomatic signals from Magic, US intelligence knew this from mid-April. The Imperial Navy was officially opposed to an invasion of Australia due to the extra demand it would put on shipping, and the army officially opposed an invasion because of the increased manpower demand on the armed forces: the Japanese army had two and a half million men in the field already, mostly in China or against the Soviet army, occupying Australia and securing it against Allied invasion would place an additional burden on Japan's population. The official Japanese strategy for dealing with Australia was to sever lines of supply between Australia and the United States, and the armed forces of Japan went to great lengths to achieve this. The Japanese attempts to cut Australia off from its powerful ally include: trying to take Port Moresby, and numerous operations in the Solomons. Due to the dramatic Japanese expansion into South-East Asia in late 1941, Australians saw these moves as designs upon their homeland. However, the Japanese intended isolation for Australia in 1942, not capture.

Curtin was recuperating when 1945 began, he was absent from the duties of office between November 1944 and January 1945. When he resumed office, he took up the woes of being the national leader again. He had been captain at Australia's helm when the nation's chances of survival were at their lowest point, through a prolonged war with Japan, when Australia seemed to be under the constant threat of invasion, when he took the suffering upon himself of every man, woman, and child that called Australia home, every Australian casualty suffered in the course of taking up arms against the enemy, victim of hardship in a Japanese POW camp, or civilian casualty of Japanese bombing or shelling of Australian cities and towns. He continued to display this compassionate trait for a foreign kindred spirit, the US wartime president, when the news arrived of Roosevelt's sudden death due to a massive stroke on 12 April. Curtin was hit hard by the US president's passing, saying the event "lessened, to some degree, mankind's hopes of a better day". Curtin must have felt his own health problems loosening his grip on life: he was a heavy smoker, an ex-alcoholic, and the anxiety over the events of the war would not help. Not all his ministers were present in Australia to help with the duties of government: Evatt was leading the Australian delegation to the San Fransisco conference on 25 April, where he contributed significantly to the UN Charter. Curtin was rushed to hospital with a congestion of the lungs on 29 April. He was permitted to return to the Lodge, but could not leave his bed. The ailing man who had been prime minister for so long during the war told concerned colleagues who visited him that he wanted Chifley to succeed him as leader of the federal ALP, thus making him prime minister. During the Australian wartime stateman's physical decline, MacArthur continued the marginalization of Australian forces, planning to utilize I Corps in an operation in Borneo that was later discovered to be unneccessary. It was considered pointless, as the oil it denied Japan could not reach the home islands anyway, as they were blockaded. As far back as 21 March, MacArthur's headquarters released a plan for a three-phase operation to secure key locations around the coast of Borneo to the commander of I Corps, Lieutenant-General Leslie Morshead. First, the 2/26 Brigade of the 9th Division were ordered to capture the airstrip on Tarakan Island on 1 May, off the north-eastern coast of Borneo. This objective could then assist the remainder of the 9th Division to capture Brunei, in the north of Borneo on 10 June. The third phase was to take the Dutch oil port of Balikpapan. For twenty days before the 7th Division stormed the shores at Balikpapan, the RAAF dropped two hundred tons of bombs on average a day, then the US Seventh Fleet and Australian and Dutch cruisers fired 45,000 shells at the port installation. This bombardment from the sea smashed buildings to a pulp, largely negating the effort and munitions expended. Blamey had questioned the strategic value of the Borneo operations prior to implementation, particularly the action at Balikpapan, but MacArthur insisted they would be executed. 229 Australians had been killed and 634 wounded at Balikpapan. Many Australians who were casualties on Borneo were POWs. Throughout 1942 and 1943 approximately two thousand Australian and British POWs from Changi on Singapore Island had been transported to Sandakan, a POW camp on Borneo to the north of Tarakan when the 2/26 Brigade was there undertaking their orders. Australian intelligence knew they were there, but in the time it was decided not to retrieve the POWs the camp guards had taken two groups of the POWs well enough to walk in Sandakan at the time on forced marches to a village called Ranau, the trek was so grueling that most POWs were reduced to walking skeletons. By the time intelligence decided to go to Sandakan, only six POWs, all Australians, were left alive. Back in Australia, Curtin passed away at four in the morning on 5 July, six weeks before the Japanese surrender and the end of the war in the Pacific that Curtin had worked so hard to lead Australia through. Australian and US newspapers proclaimed him a war casualty, implying the stress of the role of prime minister during wartime contributed to his death. Like Roosevelt, Curtin did not see the final victory over Japan that he fought so hard for. A week after Curtin's passing, on 12 July, the ALP caucus elected with 45 ballots, compared to fifteen for Frank Forde and two for Evatt, Ben Chifley as successor to Curtin as leader of the federal ALP. Chifley assumed the role of prime minister the next day. Forde became deputy prime minister, while Evatt ranked third in the Chifley government. Chifley's tenure began as the sun set on the Second World War, leaving him to make the final decisions of the war in Australia. Despite elements of the British Labour Party initially arguing against colonialism for fiscal reasons as the end of the war approached, as the Pacific war drew to a close, the Atlee government received reports from the Admiralty that Hong Kong and Singapore should be retained if possible for fiscal reasons, as inexpensive ports of call for British ships operating in the Pacific, fulfilling treaty obligations to the Russians and Chinese. Retaining Hong Kong may depend on the Japanese garrison surrendering to Commonwealth forces flying the Union Jack, not Chinese forces. The nearest Commonwealth forces were the Australians on either Borneo or Morotai. The Atlee government requested the assistance of the Chifley government in the matter, which placed the Australian government in a quandary. Australia was committed to a postwar British Commonwealth, by taking Hong Kong on behalf of the British colonizers, Australia may incur Chinese anger, which may question the White Australia Policy. It also threatened to slow Australian demobilization. Evatt, a vocal leader in the postwar international organization, the United Nations, also had difficulties posed by this request: he had been a forceful advocate at San Fransisco for the destruction of colonialism, he could hardly argue to back the British over Hong Kong; yet he required British support in the UN to achieve a satisfactory organization to guide international relations. The Chifley government refused the request for assistance of Australian forces, so the British needed to send a fleet to Hong Kong. This was in stark contrast to the willingness of Australia to go to great lengths, even at great cost to itself, to support Britain's empire in 1939 and prior to the beginning of the war. When the issue of a Commonwealth occupation force of Japan arose, further Australian unwillingness to support the nation that the citizens of Australia formerly called the mother country was exposed for all to see. When the Atlee government proposed a British Commonwealth occupation force for Japan (BCOF) under the command of a British officer, the Australian chiefs of staff gave their recommendation with this framework in mind. The Chifley government, responding to grievances caused by London and Washington's lack of consultation with Australia during the war, unilaterally decided to double Australia's contribution to the occupation of Japan, albeit under the command of an Australian officer directly answerable to MacArthur. This force, consisting of two cruisers, two destroyers, two brigades of infantry, and three squadrons of Mustang fighters, was hoped in Canberra to place Australia amongst the pantheon of the principal Pacific powers. On 17 August, Chifley made divisive public comments. S. M. Bruce begged Chifley to refrain from such comments, fearing they would suppress the "favourable atmosphere" that had developed in London since Churchill's electoral demise. The dispute confirmed to ministers in the Atlee government that Australia was intent on being unhelpful to wider imperial purposes. The British government, hoping Australian forces would disguise their small contribution to the occupation of Japan, offered compromises: such as an Australian military commander, but still a British officer in overall command; or finally the combined BCOF with an Australian officer in overall command. This final offer had some a catch: the Australian officer was responsible to the British chiefs of staff. Chifley was suspicious of this final offer, citing that no Canadians or South Africans counted among BCOF's ranks, so the force could not be considered a truly Commonwealth force, so Chifley pressed ahead with the separate force. The Australian chiefs of staff pointed out to the Chifley government that doubling their recommendations would slow, possibly even halt, demobilization. The Chifley government was forced to endure a humiliating backdown, accepting the final offer, on the condition that BCOF's headquarters staff were all Australian, and the commander was responsible to the Australian chiefs of staff. The Australian change of heart brought relief in London, with Lord Alan Brooke saying "Thank heaven, for if they had been allowed to refuse our final offer of an Australian command and a combined chiefs of staff organization it would have been the end of all imperial co-operation". Lieutenant-General John Northcott was appointed as the Australian officer to be commander-in-chief of BCOF. He remained in the position until 1946. Chifley led Australia through the postwar reconstruction and established the nation on the road towards the new peace. By far, Chifley's greatest contribution was in the postwar period. The wartime manpower crisis suggested to many in politics that Australia needed to increase its population. Chifley created the Department of Immigration, and implemented the assisted immigration program, intending to turn Australia into a welcome prospective home for a multitude of displaced non-British European immigrants whose homeland had been ravaged by the war in Europe. Straight after the war 200,000 immigrants graced Australian shores: Italians, Greeks and Eastern Europeans contributed to the development of Australia, the White Australia Policy no longer limited Australia's population, in size or diversity. Chifley planned industrial development of Australia, so immigrants could find employment, he instituted the Snowy Mountains Scheme: a plan to construct a hydroelectric dam at Jindabyne in NSW that provides power to Canberra and the east coast of Australia. Many new Australians worked on the project, the largest engineering project completed in Australia. These first steps towards a racially diverse, modern nation were a far cry from the multicultural society that Australia is today, although it is uncertain if these steps would have occurred without the challenges the war posed.

Background civil essay imperiled union war

Still’s Why the South Lost the Civil War (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 439 and 425-426; Charles G.

The celebratory welcome planned for Sunbeam seems a fitting way to honor the famous father and son pair, Abraham and Robert Lincoln, and their connections to railroading. President Lincoln signed the Transcontinental Railway Act in 1862, paving the way for a transcontinental railroad destined to bring the entire nation closer together with Americans traveling from coast to coast. Pullman actually built a specially made car for the President but unfortunately it was never used until it became part of the funeral train that brought him home to Springfield after his assassination in 1865. Robert’s connection to railroading began at an early age. He first traveled to Vermont by train as a young man with his mother, Mary Todd and brother Tad during the Civil War and nearly four decades later returned as a successful railroad magnate and captain of industry aboard a Pullman belonging to the company he then presided over. This time, the rails carried him back to purchase land, to plan the design and construction of his ancestral home, Hildene. His personal history with Pullman began when he was counsel to the company. Upon the death of founder George Pullman in 1897 he served briefly as acting president and then as president until 1911. At this point Mr. Lincoln became chairman of the board serving until 1924, two years before his death.



“The real transformation will take place when a history professor uses the digital media room to record a polished lecture on the causes of the Civil War that his students can watch anytime, anywhere, freeing up class time for in-depth discussion.

37) James McPherson For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 98.
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